I haven't seen this reported in the English-speaking press, but apparently Portugal has given its police extensive surveillance powers, to the point of allowing them to use what is recorded using street cameras. Google Translate does a decent job:
The Portuguese Ministry of Internal Administration (MAI) has authorized indiscriminate wiretapping of the public through surveillance cameras managed by the Public Security Police (PSP) and the Republican National Guard (GNR), the two main security forces Of the state.
A file containing the names, addresses, dates of birth and other information about Chicago's 1.8 million registered voters was published online and publicly accessible for an unknown period of time, the Chicago Board of Election Commissioners said Thursday.
The acknowledgment came days after a data security researcher alerted officials to the existence of the unsecured files. The researcher found the files while conducting a search of items uploaded to Amazon Web Services, a cloud system that allows users to rent storage space and share files with certain people or the general public. The files had been uploaded by Election Systems & Software, a contractor that helps maintain Chicago's electronic poll books.
As someone said in the IP mailing list:
All of which begs the question: what was the database doing there in the first place? What were the data paths during elections? Who else had access to the list? For what price?
As part of the postdoctoral research network “Algorithmed Public Spheres” at the Hans Bredow Institute for Media Research, we study algorithmic personalization. Ideas such as that we live in a filter bubble where we are constantly fed information from websites that we have clicked on in the past are widely discussed. And these ideas are also the object of intense academic debate, as research by our fellows demonstrates. So I was particularly interested in how these issues play out in political searches. How similar are the results of Google searches for the names of political parties and candidates? What role could personalisation play in these differences?
San Francisco Superior Court began using PSA in 2016, after getting the tool for free from the John and Laura Arnold Foundation, a Texas nonprofit that works on criminal-justice reform. The initiative was intended to prevent poor people unable to afford bail from needlessly lingering in jail. But a memorandum of understanding with the foundation bars the court from disclosing “any information about the Tool, including any information about the development, operation and presentation of the Tool.”
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